Which is the biggest DMart in Mumbai

The largest slum in Asia: Dharavi (Mumbai) From failure of renovation to model project? 1


1 Dirk Schubert The largest slum in Asia: Dharavi (Mumbai) From failure of renovation to a model project? 1 In 2003, UN-Habitat (2003a) presented a report on the status and development of slums worldwide for the first time. According to this, around 32% of the world's population live in slums. It is assumed that the number of people living in slums will double in the next 30 years from currently around one billion people. In the report, uniform definitions of slum are developed for the first time: A slum is an area that combines the characteristics of a) inadequate access to safe water; b) inadequate access to sanitation and other infrastructure; c) poor structural quality of housing; d) overcrowding; and e) insecure residential status (UN-Habitat, 2003a). Within the heterogeneous structure, women and children are identified as particularly disadvantaged groups in the slums. The lack of toilets is devastating for women. It is a serious impairment of their dignity, health, safety and privacy and, indirectly, of their education and ability to work (quoted in Davis, 2006: 147). The goal of Cities without Slums (Target 11) by UN-Habitat is ambitious. A group has been set up to check for the achievement of this goal by means of a monitoring process. Comparable indicators and definitions have been developed for evaluation. In Mumbai, for example, the pavement dwellers (pavement dwellers) and residents of chawls (run-down residential buildings with tiny apartments) are not counted as slum dwellers in the official terminology (UN-Habitat, 2003b: 70). However, the report undergoes a remarkable paradigm shift: It is pointed out that in the (mostly informal) economies in the slum many trades have emerged that (precarious) income can be generated with them and that the functioning of the metropolises without the services of the slum dwellers (the new servant class) is hardly imaginable. The improvement of housing and living conditions must therefore take into account the employment opportunities. Demolition, displacement, displacement and new construction do not solve the problems, but relocate them and should be avoided if possible (UN Habitat, 2003a: xxvii). This recommendation is based on decades of experience in slum rehabilitation in all parts of the world and evaluations of the UN and World Bank programs, which have been based on similar strategies for decades. Against the background of these global experiences, it is all the more astonishing that Mumbai continues to focus on the solution of demolishing the huts and building new apartments in the form of apartment blocks. At the beginning of this article, the peculiarities of the housing market in Mumbai are described, the various initiatives for slum renovation are listed, the existing structures in the largest slum in Dharavi are presented and the renovation initiatives that are unusual for European standards are carried out and evaluated. The data given in the article are not to be interpreted as statistically reliable information. Some of them are contradictory, only to be interpreted against the background of different interests as well as special contexts of origin and exploitation and are usually not documented in a small-scale and up-to-date manner. 99

2 Slums in Mumbai The downside of the boom in the Indian economy is the horror spiral of population growth and mass poverty (Imhalsly, 2008: 15). For urban immigrants, slums are the solution, not the problem. Over 55% of the urban population in India live in slums (Davis, 2006: 29). All such figures are problematic, as the number of slum households is often and intentionally calculated as small by the authorities. It can at least be proven that it is not a question of minorities, but that in many large cities the majority of the population lives in slums. An investigation found that in 2005 almost police officers lived in slums. The slums are no longer the ugly by-product of the urban juggernaut, they are more the norm than the exception (Kriener, 2006: 3). These majorities are relegated to a marginal miserable existence. The people in the gigantic urban growths are no longer counted Fig. 1 Land Use Plan Mumbai Region (Mumbai Metropolitan Region, 2008) 100, but their dimensions are estimated by satellite. The Nobel Prize winner John Kenneth Galbraith aptly characterized India and Mumbai as functioning anarchy. The information about Dabbawallas, a complex sophisticated system of couriers who bring their wives' food to the workplace for hundreds of thousands of employees every day, is impressive evidence of how a supply can work under such chaotic conditions. The food supply and the restaurants are largely based on child labor (Appadurai, 2001: 27), the city name of Portuguese origin, Bombay (Bom Bahia), was renamed in Mumbai after the local Hindu goddess Mumbadevi in ​​order to erase the colonial past from the city name. Mumbai has a young population structure: a third of the residents are under 20 years old. The average Fig. 2 Centrally located former factory areas (source: D Monte, 2002)

3 Household size is 5.1 people per household. Around 40% of households live below the poverty line of around 17 euros a month. By 1960, 30% of the workers and 66% of the factory workers in the state of Maharashtra were located in Greater Bombay, where 75% of industrial output was concentrated (Desai, 1995: 21). Currently around 80% of people work in the service sector, which should not be confused with the tertiary sector in First World countries. The share of the rapidly growing informal sector is 45%. Mumbai is divided into six districts and is administered by the Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM), the spatial unit of the Bombay Metropolitan Region (BMR) was introduced, which in turn is administered by the Bombay Metropolitan Regional Development Authority (BMRDA, now MMRDA). Over ten million people use public transport every day to commute between homes and workplaces (Mehta, 2006: 249). One in four babies in the slums dies in their first year of life, and women are forced into prostitution. Malnutrition, hunger, tuberculosis, leprosy, the plague of rats and mosquitoes are the downsides of the metropolis (Nissel, 1999: 404). There are ca slums in Mumbai (also called zopadpattis in Mumbai; Risbud, 2003: 7). Of around 18.5 million people, around 10 million live here in slums (roughly equivalent to the population of Sweden). Every day around 300 new families come to the city of great promises. About half of the population in Mumbai lives in villages made of corrugated iron, tarpaulin or lives in tents. Over 40% of the houses are smaller than 10 square meters and three quarters of the slum dwellers are referred to communal toilets. There is no functioning garbage disposal in the slums. The garbage bags are thrown on the street or on the train tracks. The (average) population density in Mumbai is given as approx. People per square kilometer, in parts over people (Risbud, 2003: 2), according to some authors the second highest population density in all cities in the world after Hong Kong. There is a dramatic shortage of housing for low-income households, no drinking water supply, inadequate health care and hardly any (affordable) public transport. Various initiatives by the city administration, the federal state (Maharashtra), the UN and the World Bank (Panwalkar, 1996: 128) to thoroughly renovate the area have so far failed due to unclear property relationships, fragmented responsibilities, quasi-feudal relationships, bureaucracy and the resistance of the people in Dharavi. A rethink is called for: City-regional politics must move away from reacting to bottlenecks and grievances towards big steps in forward-looking planning. Bombay First, a lobby organization of influential business leaders, ordered a report from the consulting firm McKinsey, which should serve as a development guideline for the city (McKinsey Report 2003). Oriented towards London First, it is not about eliminating bottlenecks and making selective improvements, but about making a qualitative leap forward. According to ambitious plans (Mumbai Vision Plan 2003), Mumbai is to become a world-class city by 2013. The Shanghai on the Indian subcontinent is intended. According to the experts, Mumbai has reached a critical point. Without a turnaround, urban collapse threatens and a $ 40 billion investment program is proposed (a quarter of it from public budgets). In addition to the improvement of the infrastructure, the streamlining of the administration, a more effective governance system and, above all, housing construction are of central importance. Around 1.1 million new apartments in the low-rent segment are to be built and the housing stock increased

4 are rated. In Mumbai you pay first world prices for third world amenities and services (McKinsey, 2003: 20). The proportion of slum dwellers is to be reduced from 50 to 60% to 10 to 20% and the rent burdens are to be reduced. Charles Correa, founder of a new, independent Indian architecture and an expert in slum rehabilitation in Mumbai, assessed the plan as follows: There s very little vision. They re more like hallucinations (quoted from Mehta, 2006: 243). In the Mumbai urban development plan, this objective is included and the balancing act between economic growth and improvement in quality of life is propagated and, in turn, service-based areas are assigned a key position. Reference is made to rankings in which Mumbai is ranked 124th out of 130 metropolises worldwide (Karmayog, 2008). Similar to Shanghai for China, Mumbai is a symbol of India's economic upswing. Around 30% of Indian tax revenue is generated here. In 2015, Mumbai, with a population of 22 million, will be the second most populous metropolis in the world (BPB, 2008). As in hardly any other metropolis, luxury and wealth meet in Mumbai, real estate prices as in Manhattan and unbelievable poverty. Mumbai has more millionaires than any other Indian city combined. The rental price level for living space here is supposedly the third highest in Asia and the sixth highest in the world. The misery in front of the door and the wealth behind the air-conditioned entrance form a functional unit. Millionaires and have-nots live close together. Poverty and wealth are always in sight. The slums are spread across poorer and more affluent residential areas. These slums are discreetly (brown) entered in the city map as Zoppadpattis 2 (zp). In contrast, the construction costs of the 60-story palace of the billionaire Mukesh Ambani are estimated at one billion dollars. The Mumbai vision will only be successful if it succeeds in breaking the cycle of marginalization through greater participation in the urban economy. Air pollution, heat, malnutrition, dirt, trucks and cars speeding by and an unbelievable smell characterize the monster Mumbai. Begging children scratch the car windows. Many slums, street strips and areas along the railway line are ruled by slum lords who promise the newcomers security and protection of the area and in return demand rents for every square meter. Meanwhile, the city can no longer function without the nurses, nannies, cooks and household servants who live in slums. The collapse of the infrastructure is now normal (especially in monsoons). Despite the daily struggle for survival, the Mumbaikas are still connected to their city through a love-hate relationship (Nissel, 1999: 347). For many, Mumbai is still the City of Gold, where millions of immigrants are hoping for great happiness. A fatal circle emerges for the slum dwellers: The poor cannot live in Central Bombay because the land is too expensive; they cannot live on the outskirts because they cannot afford to commute. Slum settlement and the pavements are their only alternative (Desai, 1995: 112). The proportion of slum dwellers in the total population in Mumbai rose from 1951 to approx. 12%, to 1991 to approx. 50% and by 2001 to over 63%. The Bombay Rent Act promotes upheaval in the housing market. According to this, the rents are frozen at the level from 30 years ago. In the meantime they have increased a hundredfold. Due to the rental price limit, maintenance is not possible and terminations are impossible. This in turn leads to owners deliberately leaving their apartments empty. The fixed rental price has led to the criminalization of the housing market, un- 102

5 Fig. 3 Note of slum areas on the city map: Dvavari (source: Mumbai City Map, 2006) Fig. 4 Area of ​​Dharavi (source: Sharma, 2000) affable tenants are murdered, driven away or intimidated. Evictions are a lucrative sideline for organized crime. A housing policy measure intended in the interests of the tenants was turned into the opposite. Shared toilets for six families. They are mostly run down and hardly differ from the slums. The chawls were among others. Built by the Bombay Im prove ment Trust (BIT) for lower servants such as police officers and dock workers to improve their living conditions. About two million people of the Chawls are at risk of collapsing, and repairs have been neglected because of the loopholes in RentControl law. With the law, a functioning rental housing market was effectively abolished, with the result that there was little new housing construction, a lack of new buildings for lower-income households and completely inadequate maintenance of the existing buildings. During the monsoon season, a number of simple chawls have already collapsed. Various chawls have also been (illegally) converted into commercial space. The convenient location of the Chawls, mostly close to the city center, offers residents advantages on the job market; they are safe from evictions, but in many cases the rooms were completely overcrowded (Desai, 1995: 112). The Urban Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Act from the year with the law stipulated an upper land ownership limit (500 m2), which should not be exceeded, had a similar effect, contrary to the intention. If this was the case, the excess should be transferred to the state for financial compensation and the land should be used for building housing for lower income groups. Unclear ownership structures and deals with the administration have meant that various inner-city areas are not built on and are in turn occupied by slum dwellers. Slums for Sale The housing market in Mumbai is not very transparent. Chawls built in ensembles are apartment buildings owned by private companies or by authorities with 15 m 2 residential units with cooking areas in which a six-person household must live, with wide hallways and huts along railway lines are sometimes less than a meter from the tracks removed ent103

6 Fig. 5 Pavement Dweller (own photo). Recently, residents were (voluntarily) relocated near the railroad tracks (Patel et al., 2002: 160). In trains that are designed for a maximum of people, sometimes up to people travel. Over households have set up a home at a distance of 25 meters from the train tracks. The average speed of the trains has to be due to the dangerous proximity, reduced to children and inattentive people. As a result of the resettlement project, more and faster trains are to be used and capacities are to be increased by 35%. Trains kill approx. Slum dwellers annually, there are ten deaths a day. The resettled residents formed cooperatives, were resettled in multi-storey apartment blocks and received a one-off compensation of Rs (approx. 310 euros). Many people spend the night on the pavement dwellers without a roof over their heads. Thousands of people sleep head to head on the roadside on the asphalt without shelter. When it rains, plastic bags cover the sleepers. In 2000, their number was estimated to be around 1,000,000 (Nissel, 1999: 404). They still live in constant danger of losing their temporary home and being evacuated (Bapat, 1992: 2217). In his 1975 novel about Bombay, the novelist Rohinton Mistry lets his protagonist, a tailor, speak after arriving in town: We only came for a short time to earn some money, then we want to Fig. 6 Pavement Dweller (own photo) we return to our village. What good is such a big city? Noise and crowds, no place to live, lack of water, garbage everywhere. Terrible (Mistry, 2004: 19). There are people who are in the second or third generation who have to eke out their existence on the sidewalks. Many of the pavement dwellers are street children who pay rent to an inspector for a section of the pavement. There are a number of smaller and larger slum areas spread across the Mumbai metropolitan area, such as B. Airport East. Many of these slums have much worse living and housing conditions than Dharavi. A Kol fishermen's slum across from Nariman Point was pillaged eight times by strangers and emerged again and again in the same place (Nissel, 1999: 402).For higher income groups, satellite cities, new towns or integrated townships are offered. They are characterized by their delimitation from the outside and a complete range of options inside the quarter. Such islands of housing and commercial excellence should, inter alia. arise on the premises of the textile factories and in the area of ​​the port authority areas. The largest project in Mumbai in this context was the planning and construction of Navi-Mumbai (New Bombay) on a peninsula east of Bombay (Raje, 2002: 22). The ambitious project was 104

7 of the railway lines were not counted and can still be cleared without any problems (Sharma, 2000: 164). According to the 2001 Slum Areas Improvement, Clearance and Redevelopment Act, people who are entered on electoral rolls also have a certain degree of eviction protection. New wine in old bottles? Fig. 7 Dwellings in Dharavi (own photo) based on the British New Town plans and provided for clearly defined settlement units with infrastructures and workplaces. However, the implementation of the project operated by the City and Industrial Development Corporation of Maharashtra (CIDCO) as the development agency was delayed (projected for approx. Two million inhabitants, status 1995: inhabitants) and the planning goals were increasingly watered down. The planned settlement areas have meanwhile been shaped by uncoordinated private individual building projects and increasingly also by slums (Shaw, 2004: 238). The properties of the closed textile factories form another attractive inner-city reserve of land that is unused (D Monte, 2002: 187). After the strikes and the subsequent collapse of the textile industry in Mumbai after 1982, once the pride of Bombay, many workers and their families were stranded in Dharavi. In a study by the Charles Correa Committee, 58 such areas were identified. The requirement to plan a third social housing and a third for parks, schools and hospitals as part of the conversion only led to the further deterioration of these fenced-in areas. In 1976, a census of slums on public land was carried out for the first time. The residents registered at the time received a photo pass and thus a certificate that they would be relocated in the event of an evacuation. Many thousands of pavement dwellers and households with dwellings along the slum rehabilitation policy in Mumbai can be roughly divided into four phases: evictions and demolitions, upgrading and improvements.Cooperation between state / city and NGOs from 1990.Private Public Partnerships.In 1977, Maharashtra Housing & Area Development was established Authority (MHADA) established to concentrate slum rehabilitation powers for Mumbai with the Mumbai Slum Improvement Board. Many ambitious plans were immediately started to clean up the slums. A World Bank-funded Slum Upgrading Program (SUP) was initiated (Shelter Project), which was managed by the MMRDA. To gain popularity and votes, the program was expanded from Bombay to Maharashtra in 1985. But resistance from the slum dwellers, unclear priorities, a lack of replacement space and bureaucratic obstacles allowed only a few households to benefit from the program, which was finally discontinued in 1994. From 1985, the Prime Minister's $ 20 million special program (Prime Minister's Grant Project PMGM) was also launched. The then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had visited Dharavi and subsequently initiated a large-scale renovation program to gain votes and to symbolically document the importance of slum renovation for the central government. The focus was not least for political reasons 105

8 on Bombay in Dharavi, the national governing Congress Party was mainly elected, where selective improvements in the supply and transport infrastructure were also achieved. Dharavi would be converted into an Indian Singapore, proclaimed a federal minister. Slum dwellers' cooperatives were provided with 18 square meter residential units in rental blocks. Approximately households should get new apartments, approximately households should be relocated. The NGO Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Center (SPARC), founded in 1984, developed a People s Plan for Dharavi in ​​1987, which provided for the repositioning of more households than the PMGM project and also took the commercial units into account during implementation. Instead of toilets assigned to the residential units, communal toilets were provided in the SPARC plan. In order to reduce costs, the residents should be involved in the construction work as part of self-help. This should make the apartments unattractive for better-off households and rule out possible gentrification. In Dharavi, the conflicts escalated during implementation in a sub-area in Markandeya, where the Markandeya Cooperative Housing Society (MCHS) was founded from slum dwellers. Different stakeholders at national, state, city and local level, along with party political interests and the efforts of intermediary organizations, took ten years to pass before the first apartments in Markandeya were finally ready to move into. Delays in new construction, bureaucracy, corruption, problems with the interim implementation, low participation, scarce building land and increased construction costs also meant that fewer new homes were built than intended. In Mumbai, half (white) is usually paid for in real estate transactions by check and the other half (black) in cash. In addition, the Shiv Sena party, which was dominant locally at the time, pushed forward bureaucratic obstacles and sought to distinguish itself from the Congress Party in terms of (housing) politics. However, these failures promoted a paradigm shift away from demolition and new construction towards safeguarding and upgrading existing buildings. Since the late 1980s, there has been an increasing focus on enabling strategies. It became clear that the demolitions did not constitute a (housing policy) perspective, but only created new problems elsewhere. In the context of a new National Housing Policy (NHP) housing should be built for lower income groups and the slums should be (partially) legalized. The federal Slum Redevelopment Scheme (SRD) in 1991 and the Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (SRS) in 1995 followed (Mukhija, 2003: 19). The private sector should now be increasingly involved in the renovation and the construction of replacement housing. The Shiv Sena party, which won the 1995 elections, had promised four million new homes for free for slum dwellers. All slum dwellers, including the pavement dwellers, should benefit from the radical change in slum rehabilitation policy. The SRS provided for free new apartments and a one-time grant of Rs (approx. 310 euros). The slum dwellers had to be converted into multi-storey apartments and the housing companies could then build on the vacated areas with more expensive apartments. The national Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDCO) and the state Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority (MHDA) were and are involved in the implementation and financing of the programs. The city council of Mumbai has recently given high priority to slum rehabilitation. Tasks that cannot be performed by the city become 106

9 thus handed over to private carriers in the form of private-public partnerships. The renovation of Dharavi is classified as a particularly urgent task, as it gives Mumbai the image of being the metropolis with the largest slum in Asia. Dharavi, the Harlem of Mumbai? Dharavi in ​​Mumbai is considered the largest slum in Asia (Desai, 1988: 69) and is located in the immediate vicinity of the Bandra-Kurla financial district, crammed between two railway lines near the airport. Dharavi has a special status among the poor areas in India. With a mixture of pride and emotional ties, a myth of a Harlem in Mumbai did not come about without romanticizing misery. Some families already live in the third generation in Dharavi. Many of the illegally and makeshift huts are supplied with (stolen) telephones and color televisions and (tapped) electricity. There is a TV set in almost every hut. A definition and spatial demarcation of Dharavi is almost impossible. There is also a wide gap between the estimates of the population in official and unofficial data. Dharavi does not form a homogeneous structure, but results from clusters of very different ethnic, religious, commercial and structural units with legal, semi-legal and illegal structures. Dharavi thus forms a mirror of the mosaic of regions and towns across India. In the early 1990s, 72 temples, six churches and eleven mosques were counted. Hindi, Urdu, Marathi and English, often mixed forms, are present as languages. A government survey found households, while the National Slum Dwellers Foundation (NSDF) counted families with an average household size of 6.2 people (Sharma, 2000: 173). In addition to Fig. 9, the landowners in Dharavi are the central government, the state of Maharashtra, the city, railway companies, the airport company and various private owners (Sharma, 2000: 165). To get water, women have to run up to two kilometers, stand in line and draw numbers. Often, water pipes are tapped to get water. A third of the city's tap water is thus lost. But in terms of water supply and sewage systems (politics of shit), Mumbai has never achieved a basic supply for all population groups. Invisible investments in the underground infrastructure are not very useful for symbolic politics and rarely lead to great electoral successes. The scarcity of drinking water is glaring. In 2005, four hundred people lost their lives because their emergency shelters were washed away by the water, buried under earth or simply flooded because the water could not drain (Gandy, 2007: 26). The huts of the poor and the garbage of the rich clog gutters and canals. During the monsoon season, many huts sink into the mud. Meter-high floods turn streets into rubbish pits during the rainy season. There are now around 80 latrine buildings available. But the large public toilets are disgusting and are reluctant to use (Fuchs, 2007: 77). The canal that Dharavi is supposed to drain is a sewer with plastic bottles, tin cans, kitchen waste and excrement. 107

10 The ethnic diversity and the coexistence of Hindus and Muslims are not without problems. Almost a third of the population are Muslims, the rest of the population are mostly Dalit (the untouchables in the Indian caste system), marginalized groups with a low social status (Fuchs, 2007: 75). The xenophobia incited by the nationalist-Hindu party Shiv Sena, which developed into hostility towards Muslims, and the subsequent uprisings in 1991/93 resulted in many deaths and the situation remained tense. The groups tend to flee from residential areas, where they form a minority, to areas where their religious group forms the majority, and thus ethnic cleanliness develops (Eckert, 1999: 11). The multicultural formula of unity in diversity often used by Nehru disguises the contradictions and conflicts that come to a head, especially in the slums, and which can be instrumentalized for religious and (party) political purposes. If huts are cleared, they are immediately rebuilt. Some huts were demolished twice a day and rebuilt three times. Not only the miserable circumstances, but the constant insecurity is a burden on people's lives. Many live in constant fear of being evacuated in the public interest. Demolition Man, G. R. Khairnar, local civil servant, boasts of clearing huts (Mehta, 2004: 86). Surprising evictions are still part of the repertoire of the administration in order to promote the insecurity among the slum dwellers and to document their low social status. In 2004 alone, families were left homeless and displaced from their accommodation through evictions under police protection (Sparcindia, 2008a). The press, media and the film industry (Bollywood) have contributed significantly to the negative image of Dharavi. Here violence, crime, slum lords and the helplessness of the police are highlighted. Compared to this representation in the press and the media, Dharavi is a relatively safe slum. Without the intervention of the police, structures and mechanisms have developed that in some cases make the state monopoly on the use of force superfluous (Sharma, 2000: 131). Access to credit is a major problem for slum dwellers with no regular income and no right of residence. Small loans are an important start-up aid for local businesses and for upgrading and repairing huts and buildings. Between 1993 and 2005, SPARC was able to grant almost such loans amounting to almost one million euros (Sparcindia, 2008b). SPARC has also had model apartments built in Mumbai through a non-profit NGO (Nirman SSNS), which were built with refinancing from high-priced apartments. Networks and informal economies Dharavi differs from other similar slums mainly in its diverse commercial structure. You can buy champagne, but there is no supply of clean drinking water. There are book stands for children's guides and management literature, although many cannot read. In addition to brutal crimes, you can read about functioning neighborhoods and charity in the newspapers. In the 1960s, illegal schnapps production contributed to the negative image during Prohibition. The Dharavi area was initially a mangrove swamp, where fishermen lived along Mahim Creek. Without a boat, fish could be pulled out of the crystal clear water (Neuwirth, 2005: 120). Soon potters joined and Dharavi offered the newcomers from rural Uttar Pradesh a first place to stay and work in the textile factory, which was booming until the 1970s

11 Fig. 8 Responsibilities and stakeholders in Mumbai (McKinsey, 2003) are nearby. The proximity to the slaughterhouse site in Bandra (later relocated to Deonar) offered opportunities to set up tanneries and leather goods production. There are even jewelry stores and jewelry stores in Dharavi, where goldsmiths specialize in South Indian pieces. In Dharavi, networks of self-help in the informal sector and local economies based on recycling, garbage collection, leather goods production, food production, laundry, printing and pottery have emerged (Sharma, 2000: 107). Approximately 50% of the residents, according to estimates, earn their living in Dharavi and between 300 and 400 million euros are turned over annually. In the plastic recycling industry alone, there are more than 1,000 people working and more than 1,000 sacks of plastic waste are being delivered every day. Turning waste into wealth is the motto of recycling companies, and the entrepreneur Amit Singh is considered Richard Branson of Dharavi (Jacobson, 2007: 2). The pottery families, for example, belong to the relatively better-off groups, as they also partly own land. Jeans are produced on many sewing machines and the leather goods are also exported to Germany. These home-based jobs form the livelihood of many households for which only a better apartment would hardly help (Panwalkar, 1998: 2644). Many people who have escaped rural poverty work as hawkers, servants or porters who haul food and water up to the upper floors of the skyscrapers. Around a third of the workforce is employed outside of Dharavi. Often it is about semi-skilled jobs in public institutions such as the railway companies, in the port or in the garbage disposal. 109

12 There are 25 traditional bakeries with wood-fired ovens, various restaurants and grocery stores, among others. for making soda water. While some companies work for the local market, others are export-oriented. Employment and payment are usually on a daily basis. A survey was carried out on companies. The lowest wages, noise, stench and unimaginable (health-endangering) working conditions characterize the situation in the companies. Child labor in dirty and dangerous jobs and activities such as smuggling, illicit distilling and prostitution are common (Sharma, 2000: 86). An important institution are the Dalais, middlemen (local leaders) to whom payments are made for favors. These fees include about approvals, small business licenses and protection. It is coupled with political patronage, with which votes are bought. Control over many apartments therefore entails more votes and greater influence on administration and local politics. Dadas, on the other hand, are local gangsters who can use a gang. Against the background of this mixed situation, landowners often have to resort to the services of gangs for evacuation (Eckert, 1999: 4). Slum for sale From the hut to the skyscraper? The two-square-kilometer district of Dharavi is now to give way to a modern district with office and residential towers and form the blueprint for further slum rehabilitation.The location of Dharavi between three railway lines (Central, Western and Harbor with the stations Matunga, Mahim and Sion), between the airport and the city center, adjacent to the office town of Bandra-Kurla, arouses the real estate industry's desires. Larger incorporations into the administrative area of ​​Mumbai changed the situation for Dharavi from a peripheral to a central location in the urban region. In Mumbai there is a well-trained, hardly manageable intermediate network with over 100 NGOs (Burra, 2005: 67; Risbud, 2003: 4). Individual well-organized groups do have a strong lobby in the city, such as the Railway Slum Dwellers Federation, the Airports Authority Slum Dwellers Federation, the Pavement Dwellers Federation and the Dharavi Vikas Samiti (Dharavi Development Committee) as well as the supra-local SPARC (Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centers), which is also represented in Madras, Bangalore and Kanpur, the NSDF (National Slum Dwellers Federation) and the SDI (Slum / Shack Dwellers International). While some NGOs try to act as representatives of the poor, others are accused of manipulating and capturing potential voices. The architect Mukash Mehta now believes that he has found the magic formula to be able to redeem the whole world from slum areas: If I can make Bombay slum-free, I can make India slum-free. And if I can do that, we can make the world slum-free (The Globe and Mail, 2007: 1). With the philosophy of Transferable Development Rights (TDRs), developers are to be given special opportunities to advance the redevelopment (Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai, 2005: n.s.). The planning instrument is made up of the TDFs (Transferable Development Rights), transferable building rights with higher densities. The Floor Space Index (FSI) is e.g. B. 2.0, if a 100 m 2 plot of land with 200 m 2 of usable area can be built over. The relevant utilization figures for many slum rehabilitation projects are around 2.5 FSI. In this context, the ambitious plans of private developers and the architect Mukash Mehta for Dharavi now envisage a renovation of the area and the removal of the eyesore, new streets, infrastructure

13 structures, schools, parks and residential buildings are to be created. Mehta complains that the subject of the slums is not noticed by the public: Talk about doing something about Mumbai slums, and no one pays attention mission impossible (quoted from Jacobsen, 2007: 2). More than a hundred private development companies have applied for the redevelopment (Petersen, 2007b: 300). The government promoted the project with the slogan the opportunity of the millenium. It is about a tender volume of two billion euros. The largest Indian real estate developers DLF, Tata Housing and Reliance Energy have applied for the contract along with over thirty other foreign companies such as Emaar from Dubai and the US company Tishman Speyer. The plans for the new world-class suburb also include areas for commercial operations after the renovation. Families, for example, are to be relocated. With household sizes with an average of five people, only people will get a new apartment after the move, the rest will be homeless again. Mukesh's plan divides the area into twelve areas and provides free apartments for those to be implemented. If they pay between 350 and 700 euros, they will be implemented on the site, otherwise apartments will be provided on the former site of the salt production in Kanjur for no consideration (Mukesch Mehta, 2009). The Indian authorities see Dharavi as a unique opportunity to develop a model project out of a slum. The single-storey huts are to be replaced by seven-storey houses in which the slum dwellers will be allocated a small apartment. The remaining areas are to be used optimally in order to refinance the slum renovation. In Dharavi, the residents are divided: Many are skeptical because they will probably not be able to afford the new apartment and commercial space rents, while others are finally hoping for a radical improvement in their living conditions. Many businesses such as pottery will no longer be possible in the planned high-rise buildings in an apartment of 20 m 2. According to the new plan, commercial areas are to be designated and basement rooms provided for business, but in which the old kilns can no longer be used. These groups have therefore announced large-scale resistance. The question arises as to whether an upgrade is possible, taking into account the residents' interests, without displacement and the intended planning of a world-class suburb with high-rise buildings. Opponents accuse the Maharashtra government of whipping through the project without adequate preliminary investigations and questioning of the residents. Intellectual critics such as Richard Sennett and Saskia Sassen have also turned to Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to change the plans. This initiative is also supported by the Mumbai urban development plan, and according to this, Dharavi is to become a lively, well-planned urban center by means of a master plan. The strategy of cross-subsidization by means of the TDRs is seen in the urban development plan as the new panacea. The president of the National Slum Dwellers Association declared against it: We have the power to stop the plan (Petersen, 2007a: 28). A blockade of the adjacent railway lines would bring all local traffic to a standstill. Slum dwellers blocked the government building in June 2007 to demonstrate against the plans. Slumbai or a second Shanghai? It sheds significant light on 111

14 (Housing market) structures in Mumbai, if you consider that approx. Apartments are vacant there. Many promises have already been made to the slum dwellers (not only) in Mumbai, and new redevelopment plans have been issued that have never been implemented (Patel, 1995: 2476). Patel (1996: 1047) speaks of a curious, risky mixture of ambitious, dubious, hastily thrown together elements, the implementation problems of which have never been adequately considered. Corruption and bureaucracy kept the slums growing and disappointments among those affected. In the meantime, Mehta's concept has also changed several times, the tender was delayed and not decided. Mehta's concept is based on the assumption of a win-win situation. The developers receive areas close to the city center in order to build and sell high-quality residential buildings. The slum dwellers are pacified with free simple apartments in vertical slums and the city administration can boast of successful renovation measures. Who will start? No one wants to be that unhappy guy driving the bulldozer, explains Mehta (Jacobsen, 2007: 3). The local elite have a certain sympathy for the bulldozer method. After the parliamentary elections in 2004, huts were destroyed under strong police protection and the city had more homeless people. Legalization had been promised before the election. But the goal was not to solve the housing problem, but to deter other newcomers. The leader of the local Hindu party Bal Thackerey tries to instrumentalize the youth on the street: young blood, young men, youths without work are like dry gunpowder. They can explode at any time (Süddeutsche Zeitung, 2008). This movement blames poor rural immigrants for the social problems in Mumbai. The illegally immigrated Bangladeshis were among others. Blamed for the floods: Their filth blocked the gutters (quoted from Eckert, 1999: 5). The inefficiency and inadequacy of constitutional institutions create legally open spaces that are exploited by clientelistic power relations between the slum lords and local leaders. Whether or not China's booming cities like Shanghai with their glittering office facades are suitable as a model for Mumbai is a matter of controversy. Decontextualized, symptoms are assumed without considering the completely different political and social systems. It should be noted that the Gini coefficient is an index of unequal income distributions; 0 results in a perfect equal distribution, 100 the greatest inequality in China with approx. 45 is significantly higher than in India with approx. 37 (Germany 28). Whether a communist economic system with top-down planning and without free choice of residence is preferable to the democratic system in India is questioned. For all its uniqueness, Mumbai stands as a microcosm for the entire subcontinent. Bombay is the future of urban civilization on the planet. God help us (Mehta, 2004: 3). Against the background of increasing polarization in urban society, this future must be assessed as frightening (Nissel, 1997: 110). Strategies on the way to Shanghai must start in the slums. Like all renovation projects before, the Mehta project is in danger of failing. Nevertheless, the pressure on Dharavi is growing. Plans for a mega entertainment center in Bandra-Kurla are in the drawer and the upgrade is starting on the edge of the slum with new apartments. New, higher sanitary standards, even if they are provided free of charge, the living conditions of the residents of Dharavi can be 112

15 improve only in a partial area; At the same time, it is important to secure and improve the conditions of employment. This requires an integrated approach that not only includes slum rehabilitation but also the local economy (e.g. with microcredits). Prime Minister Singh recently announced an Urban Renewal Mission and a new billion-dollar program to improve living and housing conditions in 60 major cities in India and thus the investment climate for foreign investors at the same time. At the Urban 21 world conference in 2000, Kofi Annan declared that the future of mankind lies in cities. In Mumbai, there are superlatives of wealth and poverty at the same time, and polarization continues to grow. If one visualises the dimensions of the need in Mumbai, then above all the problems of poverty and the slums have to be solved. This is where the battle is won or lost. The 2008 terrorist attacks in Mumbai should not only be assessed against the background of religious and (foreign) political tensions, but also indicators of extreme social inequalities in Mumbai and India. Note 1 Now the Dharavi slum has even made it into the cinemas: The rousing film by the Englishman Danny Boyles Slumdog Millionaire won eight Hollywood Oscars! The grueling existence of Indian children and adolescents, child labor in garbage dumps, brutal child beggar syndicates, criminal gangs, pimps and conflicts between Muslims and Hindus in Mumbai's slum Dharavi are at the center of the film, which is quite controversial in India. The glittering world of the rich and the miserable living conditions of the poor with the rampant slums are explored at original locations in the Maximum City. Two orphan boys and a girl from Dharavi form the central characters in a love story about the dramatically staged Indian version of the television quiz show Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? The smart tea servant Jamal, who pretends to be a call center employee, mixes up the show. That was our slum explains Jamal's brother on a construction site against the background of the demolished slum and the beautiful new high-rise apartment buildings. New realities or wishful thinking and illusory worlds, where are the places for tanners, potters and tailors' workshops? Will poverty in Mumbai and other slums such as Dharavi continue to be taboo, will the miserable huts remain, everything will continue as before, or is there a prospect of change: Yes, we can? 2 A Zoppadpatti is not an address. The law requires that ration cards can only be given to people with correct addresses (Mistry, 2004: 255) Literature APPADURAI, Arjun (2001): Deep democracy: urban governmentality and the horizon of politics. In: Environment and Urbanization, Heft 2, S BAPAT, Meera (1992): Bombay s Pavement-Dwellers Continuing Torment. In: Economic and political weekly, October 10th edition, S BPB (Federal Agency for Political Education) (2008): Mumbai. Access to html at BURRA, Sundar (2005): Towards a pro-poor framework for slum upgrading in Mumbai, India. In: Environment and Urbanization, Heft1, S DAVIS, Mike (2006): Planet of Slums. Berlin / Hamburg DESAI, Vandana (1988): Dharavi, the Largest Slum in Asia. Development of Low-income Urban Housing in India. In: Habitat International, Heft 2, S DESAI, Vandana (1995): Community Participation and Slum Housing. A Study of Bombay. New Delhi / Thousand Oaks / London D MONTE, Darryl (2002): Ripping the Fabric. The Decline of Mumbai and its Mills. Oxford / New Delhi DURAND-LASSERVE, Alain; ROYSTON, Lauren (ed.) (2002): Holding their ground: secure land tenure for the urban poor in developing countries. London ECKERT, Julia (1999): Riots: That s something that happens in the slums. Land, urban unrest and the politics of segregation (Bombay / India). Working papers of the Institute for Ethnology of the Free University of Berlin, Volume 79. Berlin FUCHS, Martin (2007): Slum as a project? Dharavi between heteronomy and self-government. In: Archplus 185, S GANDY, Matthew (2007): Hydrological Dystopias in Mumbai. In: Stadtbauwelt 176, S IMHASLY, Bernard (2008): A rich country with poor people. In: From Politics and Contemporary History, Issue 22, p

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